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105 years of commitment to China's development

By Alessandro Golombiewski Teixeira | China Daily Global | Updated: 2026-06-30 09:12
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JIN DING/CHINA DAILY

As the Communist Party of China marks its 105th anniversary, it should be seen not merely as the governing party of the People's Republic of China, but also as the principal architect of the country's extraordinary development and modernization.

Few political organizations in modern history have had such a profound and sustained influence over such a massive population. Fewer still can claim responsibility for a transformation of such a vast scale and intricate complexity. A country once plagued by warlordism, foreign invasions and endemic poverty, China has risen to become the world's second-largest economy, a manufacturing powerhouse, a technological titan and a global heavyweight.

China's current stature is attributed to the CPC's ability to set ambitious national goals, define long-term strategic priorities and coordinate State agencies to execute them with discipline and efficiency.

The Party's initial triumph was political. In the turbulent decades following the collapse of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), China was internally divided, institutionally fragile and vulnerable to external domination. The CPC emerged as a revolutionary force that not only promised national revival and restoration of sovereignty, but also a deep social transformation. Its victory in the War of Liberation and the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 laid the foundation for a unified nation.

The CPC's enduring strength lies not only in its revolutionary origins, but also in its remarkable capacity for ideological and organizational adaptation. The Mao Zedong era established a sound institutional framework for the Party and laid critical foundations in areas such as public health and basic literacy.

The launch of reform and opening-up in 1978 was pivotal for China. While retaining its central political role, the Party anchored its legitimacy in tangible outcomes: rapid economic growth, social stability and steady improvements in people's living standards.

This pragmatic approach distinguished the CPC from many other communist parties. Rather than resorting to abrupt liberalization or "shock therapy" that led to institutional collapse elsewhere, China pursued reform slowly and carefully. The Party experimented with policy innovations in pilot special economic zones before scaling up successful initiatives. Measures such as agricultural de-collectivization and dual-track pricing expanded the scope for market mechanisms while preserving the government's guiding role.

The result is a "socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics" where State-owned enterprises play key roles in strategic sectors and the financial system, while private enterprises and foreign capital operate within a State-guided macroeconomic framework.

Consistent with the Confucian emphasis on fu min ("enriching the people") and good governance, these companies are permitted to pursue profit and enjoy considerable operational autonomy while also being expected to align their activities with broader developmental objectives such as employment generation, technological self-reliance and social stability. They represent a pragmatic synthesis of market dynamism and State guidance.

The scale of this hybrid model is noteworthy. China's private sector now accounts for more than half of national tax revenues, approximately 60 percent of GDP, roughly 70 percent of technological innovation outputs, and about 80 percent of urban employment.

The developmental outcomes are equally remarkable. Over several decades, China recorded the fastest sustained growth among major economies, averaging nearly 10 percent annual GDP growth. More than 800 million people were lifted out of extreme poverty. Urbanization accelerated and infrastructure investment reached unprecedented levels, including the world's largest high-speed rail network. Social indicators also improved markedly: Life expectancy rose into the high 70s, literacy became nearly universal and basic insurance and pension programs extended to most of the population.

These changes were not incidental by-products of unfettered markets, but rather the outcome of deliberate State policies, long-term planning and a governing party capable of aligning political legitimacy with developmental objectives.

The same logic of adaptation now informs the CPC's current strategic turn.

Under the leadership of General Secretary Xi Jinping, the Party has acknowledged the limits of the previous model of high-speed, investment — and debt-driven growth. The emphasis has now shifted from property-led expansion and low-cost, labor-intensive manufacturing toward advanced manufacturing, green energy, digital infrastructure and technological self-reliance. Xi's notion of "new quality productive forces" signals an effort to steer policy support toward strategic high-tech sectors that are expected to underpin China's future competitiveness and development strategy.

At the same time, the CPC's 105-year history is a story not only of extraordinary achievements but also of continual reinvention. China faces a complex set of challenges. The Party confronts the task of transitioning from catch-up growth to innovation at the global technological frontier, while simultaneously maintaining political stability.

The CPC should be seen not as a residual artifact of 20th-century ideology, but as the core leadership force behind China's rise and the primary coordinator of its "long-term objectives" and "national rejuvenation". How effectively it navigates the formidable "risks and challenges" ahead will shape not only China's next stage of "high-quality development", but also the evolving configuration of the broader international order.

The author is a former tourism minister of Brazil, a distinguished professor at Tsinghua University and a professor at The Chinese University of Hong Kong in Shenzhen.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

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